Aid vs Trade Essay

The aid verses trade debate shows the strong difference and sizable reduction in severe poverty in emerging economies such as China, Thailand and South Korea that have embraced international trade, with the persistent poverty in many aid-dependent African countries. The debate of whether foreign aid is beneficial or harmful to a country in need can be seen as foreign aid directed to Africa has significantly grown yet this has not benefited the continent as it is still considered ‘developing’ and is in a state of widespread poverty (Alesina, Dollar, 2000). Asia, which was once also considered a third world country has developed a strong economy and infrastructure with not aid that, was introduced in Africa. Rather than seeing the two arguments as aid or trade, it should be seen as aid for trade. (Rotberg, 2009) TRADE HAS A SIGNIFICANT LONG-TERM AFFECT ON THE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ECONOMY; IT IS THE KEY TO DEVELOPMENT. IT ALLOWS THE COUNTRY TO DEVELOP STRONG TRADING RELATIONSHIPS WITH OTHER COUNTRIES, THUS ALLOWING A REGULAR FLOW OF FUNDS INTO THE DEVELOPING COUNTRY. TRADE IS NECESSARY AS IT ALLOWS THE COUNTRY TO USE ITS OWN NATURAL RESOURCES, WHICH NOT ONLY BENEFITS THEMSELVES BUT ALSO THE WORLD OF TRADE. AFRICA HAS BEEN GIVEN IN THE PAST 60 YEARS AT LEAST $1 TRILLION OF DEVELOPMENT-RELATED AID; EVEN WITH THIS HUGE INFLUX OF ECONOMY THE INCOME TODAY IS LOWER THAN IT WAS IN THE 1970S, AND MORE THAN 50% OF THE POPULATION LIVE ON LESS THAN ONE DOLLAR A DAY AND STILL REMAINS IN A MAJOR STATE OF POVERTY (MOYO, 2009) Aid is beneficial for developing countries going through a period of unsteadiness and have gone through a major crisis e.g. natural disaster, this is when aid is most needed, as a country is left with nothing and needs initial funding to allow the country to start rebuilding and trading with outside countries. Aid accelerates the economy of underdeveloped countries but it is also given in the form of bilateral aid, multilateral aid, humanitarian emergency relief, NGO partnership support and Technical support and community involvement. Aid often has a positive effect in third world countries with good policies and has little or no effect when countries have  poor policies. (Burnside and Dollar (2000) Trade is a necessary tool in order to significantly develop and improve a third world countries economy and to reduce poverty. Trade is seen as difficult in these countries as there is sometimes a lack of information, institutions and infrastructure, which makes it difficult to efficiently trade globally. Advancing education, science and technology are important in order to help improve Africa’s development. In order to improve the many economical and poverty issues they’re confronted with, promoting this industrial development will help ensure long-term economic growth which will allow the continent to not be so aid dependant (Astier, 2006). Aid for trade increases the trade performance of developing countries; a small increase of 1 percent directed for trade, which is about $11.7 million, could generate amounts of up to $818 million (Helble, Mann, Wilson 2009) There are various economic, social, and political factors that can cause countries to remain in a prolonged widespread poverty, almost half the world live on less than $2.50 a day (Shah, 2013). Some economical factors include the lack of improvement in agriculture, the faulty industrialisation, and unequal economic distribution. Social factors that cause countries to remain in this state are the strong religious aspects of a country. Politics is full of corruption and how many political leaders in such countries rather than have the countries best interest at heart would prefer to enhance their own wealth. A prominent cause of poverty is the economic position of a country. A lot of countries lack advancements in agriculture, the absence of modern machinery, tools, facilities etc. result in the lack of development the current systems that are in place are often not sufficient and cannot provide for the local community. This can be seen in ineffective industrialisation, there is not enough finance in these countries to provide skilled and technically trained workers, thus is it difficult to provide employment. Another economical factor is the unequal distribution of wealth. Wealth is often distributed to a limited group of people, the wealth in such poor countries is often skewed e.g one is either extremely wealthy or extremely poor, thus leaving the  majority of the country in a state of poverty and unemployment. The social factors that contribute to countries with a high poverty level are mainly religious. In these countries material goods are not high in value. It is also evident that education in poverty-ridden countries is also not very highly valued; generally the emphasis is for young children to get a job to help the families’ income rather than get a better education and get a better job. Often there are socio religious aspects that also restrict advancements, such as marital agreements, putting these countries in a continual downward spiral into a worse state of poverty (Crabtree, 2010). The political factors that lead a country to remain in poverty can come down to the leaders that are meant to ‘provide’ for the country are hugely responsible for the destruction and poverty of the country. Administration can be full of corruption and ineffectiveness, and rather than enrich the countries overall wealth they will enrich there own wealth at the cost of the countries development. As a result of this political inefficiency and dishonesty there has been no real advancements in countries where poverty is high, they are still in a strong downward spiral of poverty.corruption has to stop before the continent can ever develop (Morrissey, 1991). The positive impact of aid and trade can be slow in some countries because of four factors physical capital, human capital, natural resources and the countries technological knowledge. The things that can be done to help these countries that are poverty stricken start with improving its level of productivity and growth as a country’s standard of living depends on its ability to produce goods and services (Shah, 2013). Nearly 21 percent of people in third world countries lived at or below $1.25 a day. With that measure based on latest data available, 1.4 billion people live on or below that line, meaning in 2010, 1.22 billion people lived on less than $1.25 a day. Almost half the world-over three billion people-live on less than $2.50 a day and at least 80% of humanity lives on less than $10 a day. (Okonjo-Iweala, 2007) The physical capital of a country can be seen as its evolution, their  production factory, their production process, and infrastructural development. In order for a country to improve, so must the stock of equipment and structures that are used to produced these goods and services (Sachs and Warner, 1999). Human capital is an essential part of the improvement of a country as human capital relates to the skills and knowledge that workers gain through various types of training, education and experiences, if the countries human capital in improved the nations ability to produce quality goods and services will increase accordingly. The development of infrastructure is needed in order to facilitate better medical, education, and working system. (Khumbah, Foote, 2014) A countries natural resources, their land, water, mining, both renewable and non – renewable resources are very important for a countries economy, and can be highly productive in producing goods and services of a high quality, and rather than be abused by other countries it can allow the suffering countries to prosper (Kaufman, 2002). Technological knowledge is educating a countries most effective ways to produce goods and services. In order for a country to improve overall they need to understand new technology, there must be training and knowledge in order to decrease poverty. One billion children live in poverty, six hundred and forty million don’t have sufficient shelter, four hundred million don’t have access to safe water, two hundred and seventy million have no access to health services and nearly eleven million died in 2003 before they reached the age of five (Shah, 2013). Poverty is a massive killer, although this as well as diseases and illnesses can easily be prevented, countries that do and do not suffer from poverty often don’t advertise the desperate need for change. (Rotberg, 2009) Aid is not the cure for the developing world’s problems but it has been helpful in minimizing suffering and increasing development. Aid has helped improve the health, education and trade systems in developing countries. Economic growth and global trade are crucial to reduce poverty in the long term, but in order to continually reduce global poverty both trade and aid are fundamental. References Astier, H. (2006, 1st February). Can aid do more harm than good? Bbc Khumbah, K., & Foote, M. (JULY 31, 2014). AFRICA NEEDS SCIENCE, NOT AID. Retrieved, 22nd august, 2014, Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/01/opinion/africa-needs-science-not-aid.html?_r=0 Aid versus trade. Okonjo-Iweala, N. (Director). (2007, July).[Video/DVD] TEDGlobal. Robert I. Rotberg. (2009). CHINA INTO AFRICA: TRADE, AID, AND INFLUENCE . Brookings Institution Press: Shah, A. (2013, 24th March). Causes of poverty. Global Issues Wilkinson, M., & McGregor, L. (2013). Preying on paradise Burnside, C. and D. Dollar (1997), `Aid, Policies and Growth’, Policy Research WorkingPaper no. 1777, World Bank, forthcoming in the American Economic Review What is Human Development?, Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Program Sachs, Jeffrey and Andrew Warner (1999), â€Å"The Big Push, Natural Resource Booms and Growth†, Journal of Development Economics, 59, 43-76. Human Development Report (HDR), United Nations Development Program, November 27, 2007, Kaufmann D, Kraay A 2002 ‘Growth Without Governance’ Economia Fall 2002, Vol. 3, No. 1 Alberto Alesina and David Dollar (2000), â€Å"Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?† Journal of Economic Growth (March), pp. 33-63 Morrissey O. _An Evaluation of the Economic Effects of Aid and Trade Provision. Journal of Economic Studies 1991;28:104-29._ Steve Crabtree (2010) Religiosity Highest in World’s Poorest Nations http://www.gallup.com/poll/142727/religiosity-highest-world-poorest-nations.aspx

How useful are typologies of welfare states?

Given the complexity and depth of questions faced by undergraduate students of Social Policy, let alone academic researchers, the classification of different welfare states into typologies is only natural. As an aid to academic study, the formulation of typologies represents a logical progression in the field of welfare state research. When Titmuss gave his lecture on ‘Social Administration in a changing society' in 1951, he noted that at the start of the study of Social Policy (or administration) in 1913, most issues discussed were entirely contemporary, designed to prepare those who wanted to work in the charitable of voluntary field. After World War Two, Titmuss and other academics such as Marshall, started laying greater theoretical foundations – examining the welfare state that was growing around them and its motivations. The intensive study of ‘typologies' of welfare states, widely recognised as being prompted by Esping-Anderson's ‘The three worlds of Welfare capitalism' (1990), is a natural progression – an attempt, in search of a fundamental theory or law, to bring together earlier theoretical work on the welfare state and its foundations. The use of typologies is useful because it provides a tool that can be used to simplify complex comparative work, thus making it easier to work on a universal theory of welfare state formation and development. Similarly, typologies can also provide ‘an approximate picture of the range of options available to policy-makers for policy reform' (Bonoli, 1995, 352). However, despite these apparent attributes, the concept of using typologies as a methodological tool has not been entirely uncontested. Those such as Baldwin have disputed that typologies have any explanatory power whatsoever, claiming that they most certainly cannot be useful in the formulation of theories about current and future development of welfare states (Arts & Gelissen, 2002). Most criticism along these lines deals with the apparent impossibility that, given the massively varied complexity of welfare states across the world, no typological theory is capable of summarising these differences except in a deeply misleading way. Esping-Anderson (1990, 2) fully accepts that a ‘trade-off' must be made, which this means that it will be impossible to make ‘detailed treatments' of differences between regimes, but asserts that this is the ‘price to be paid for making grand comparisons'. This seems commonsensical to me. We simplify the levels of detail about economic activity by creating an assumption of ‘homo-economicus' and even though we know this model not to be completely accurate, no-one would deny that the results the model produces are not instructive. Similarly, in creating a model of welfare-state typologies, we look to gain insights into the nature of welfare states, which we can then use in further theoretical work. The ideal types used in typologies are, as Klant (1984, cited in Arts and Gelissen, 2002) notes, a ‘representation of a reality, which cannot (yet) be described using laws'. As long as we recognise that the typologies themselves are not ever claimed to be, even by their proponents, complete explanatory theories, then they can usefully be used to gain insights into the past, present and future of welfare states. Therefore, I will move to look quickly at the different varieties of typological survey that have been conducted, before then spending some time comparing the different sorts of ‘welfare state regimes' that emerge. Different typological classifications of welfare states vary in both the amount, and kind, of variables used for analysis. The most basic attempt to categorise welfare states has been to compare the levels of public expenditure between countries. For example, it is posited that the Scandinavian countries, all spending in excess of 30% of GDP on social expenditure in the period 1989-92, constitute a type of welfare state regime significantly different to the kinds experienced in the United Kingdom or in Italy, countries which both experience much lower levels of social spending. However, such crude classification seems to go against any conception of varied mixed economies of welfare – while two countries may appear identical in terms of their % GDP social spend, they may be completely different on the level of overall welfare provided by the other welfare ‘pillars' – the voluntary and family sector. Similarly, other, more recent models have also tried to classify welfare states using a one-dimensional approach. Ferrera (1993) uses the ‘coverage model', which, rather than looking at the quantity of welfare provided, instead looks at the method of provision – specifically whether welfare states provide services on a universal basis, or on an occupational basis. However, as Bonoli (1995) points out, the problem arises in distinguishing between the generosity of benefits offered by welfare states of the same ‘method' typology – for example, the Netherlands and Switzerland are both included in the Ferrera's same set of welfare states regimes, despite massive differences between the extent of welfare provision between those two states. Esping-Anderson's (1990) approach was two-dimensional in the sense that it considered two factors – the degree of decommodification and social stratification. These variables are explicitly outcome, rather than means, based – decommodification, for example, is defined as ‘the degree to which individuals or families can uphold a socially acceptable standard of living independently of market provision'. Thus, independence is deemed identical, whether achieved through state or voluntary provision. This practical approach implies a value-judgement that it does not matter if states actually provide the welfare or not, that it is just outcomes that matter, which may be controversial to some socialists. However, this must be considered justified as a modelling assumption. Despite praise for the two-dimensional nature of Esping-Anderson's approach, some questions have been raised about whether the correct two variables were chosen. Bonoli (1995), raises concern that what he perceives as being the two fundamental distinctions between different kinds of welfare states – ‘how' and ‘how much' – are merged in both of Esping-Anderson's variables, and that as a result, they are both ‘taken into account only so far as they affect the decommodifying [or stratifying] impact of social policy'. He therefore suggests two different variables – level of social spending and the method (measured in terms of the % of benefits that are contribution-based) of welfare delivery. Similarly, most other criticisms of Esping-Anderson have not disputed the methodological use of typologies, but instead have sought to question the variables used to measure the relative congruence of different welfare states in order to form sets of welfare regimes. While requirements for brevity make it impossible for me to outline all here, a useful summary can be found in the tables of Arts & Gelissen's 2002 article. While the indicators/factors used in typology classification vary widely, the extent of similarity in the output of empirical testing is striking. All models find three or four different typologies, which, rather than being completely distinctive, are similar in terms of characteristics and the country assignments. To start, let us examine Esping-Andersen's typology, which distinguishes between three clusters of welfare regimes, each of which represents a different ‘world of welfare capitalism'. The three ‘ideal-typical' regime types are the liberal, the conservative (or corporatist), and the social-democratic regimes. The main characteristic of the liberal welfare regime is the important role assigned to the market and the strong emphasis placed upon individual responsibility. In general, only if the market fails will the state interfere. Benefits are means-tested and targeted for low-income dependents, who accordingly make the intensive use the welfare state. Financed by taxation, this leads to significant income redistribution. In contrast, the state is generally passive with regards to gender issues – the market determines the position of women, who are neither encouraged nor discouraged by the government to work for pay. In the conservative/corporatist welfare regime less stress is placed on the role of the market. The regime's main goal is to preserve existing status/class differentials, a task which is often left to other non-state actors such as the church, classes and the family. They play a crucial role in society, and the state supports them in this role. Social benefits are more elaborate than in liberal welfare regimes and are usually organized along occupational lines, with negligible amounts of redistribution. With regard to the position of women, the breadwinner model (husband as breadwinner, wife as caregiver) is implied and perpetuated through the design of the welfare system, which thereby systematically discourages women from participating in the labor market. Finally, the social-democratic welfare regime distinguishes itself from the other two models in that much more emphasis is laid on the interventionist role of the state. The idea of equal rights for all citizens is guaranteed by the social democratic state, which delivers extensive, universal welfare services not usually subject to means testing. The welfare regime is designed around active-labour policies – both men and women are expected to participate fully in the labor market, and therefore the government makes arrangements to overcome any gender-obstacles to doing this, for example, by providing extensive free childcare. Leibfried (1992) and Ferrera (1996) initially criticized Esping-Anderson's group of typologies for the omission of what they called a ‘Latin-Rim' model of the welfare state, characterized by strong family-centric properties and an immature and selective social security system that offered poor benefits and lacked a guaranteed minimum benefit system. Esping-Anderson (1999) accepted that more emphasis should be put on the family-effects of welfare regimes, and made a distinction between familalistic regimes on the one extreme (e. g. , Italy), and defamilialising regimes on the other extreme (e. g. , Sweden). A familialistic regime was defined to be where â€Å"public policy assumes that households must carry the principal responsibility for their members' welfare†, as opposed to a de-familialising regime â€Å"which seeks to unburden the household and diminish individuals' welfare dependence on kinship† (1999, 51). Given the late inclusion of a ‘Latin-Rim' model in Esping-Anderson's work, we have four examples of welfare-state regimes that we can compare with other models. Bonoli's (1997) classification, based on the expenditure and method factors as described earlier, produced four ideal-types – Continental, British, Nordic and Southern – to which he assigns countries through the empirical work. These clearly correspond respectively with Esping-Anderson's Conservative, Liberal, Social-Democratic and Latin-Rim typologies. The British regime is characterized by a low level of social expenditure which is mainly financed through general taxation rather than contributions – this fits in with Esping-Anderson's description of the Liberal regime as being limited in scope and mildly redistributive in nature. Similarly, Bonoli's Nordic regime, with low levels of contributions but high levels of overall spending, brings to mind Esping-Anderson's social democratic regime, characterised by universal benefits for all on the basis of citizenship and not contribution. There are minimal differences in state-placement between the two writers' typological systems. The Netherlands and Belgium are perhaps the only significant variation, placed in the ‘continental' typology by Bonoli but in the ‘Social Democratic' by Esping-Anderson. Such disagreements about the placement of the Benelux states are repeated in various other schemes of classification – such as in work by Korpi and Palme (1998, cited in Arts & Glissen, 2002) and by Visser and Hemerijck (1997, cited in Arts & Glissen, 2002). Such variability of outcome on ‘border cases' between typologies returns us to the original debate about the methodological justification and accuracy of such explanatory systems, and thus it seems to be a sensible place to conclude this essay. It would not be right, though Esping-Anderson (1999) has tried, to try and plead the ‘unique' nature of these ‘rogue' states – the initial simplification and assumptions made by any typological system are done so on in full knowledge that detailed individual characteristics, the ‘uniqueness' of each regime will be obscured. Rather than attempting to remove previously imposed assumptions, we must accept the limits of typological classification. Ideal-type classifications are exactly that – ideal, and there will undoubtedly be some states that are ‘hybrid'. The continued existence of such apparent ‘anomalies' gives purpose to further theoretical work – to examine the interactions and movements between the different ‘ideal types' of states, and to identify whether there is any trend that will make the occurrence of such a hybrid regimes more common and explainable in the future.

Disneys the Lion King Sundiata in Disguise - 1691 Words

Disney’s The Lion King: Sundiata in Disguise? Over the course of this semester many of the literary works that have been read contained some source of message designed to both teach and improve either the reader or society. Amongst this collection of enlightening literary works, there have been a particular few that have illustrated this idea as well as highlighted particular historical facts about a specific civilization. One distinct book that has met both of these general objectives is Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali. Throughout this story the author discusses the life of a young king, and illustrates unique facts about the ancient Mali society. In the process of reading this epic tale, it became clear that†¦show more content†¦A similar comparison is also shared between the antagonists Soumaoro Kantà © and Scar. Both corrupted characters desire the reign of supreme power, commit murderous deeds against the soaring emperors, and is defeated and overthrown by the pr ince warrior Sundiata or Simba. The most effective relation and similarity between the two artistic productions is the connection between Simba of The Lion King and Sundiata. Persecuted and doubted in achieving success, both rising sovereigns, deal with the woes of ridicule and doubt. Forced into a period of exile, Sundiata and Simba encounter a right of passage into manhood where they grow into the physically and mentally strong leaders needed to reclaim and enhance their native lands. In David Wisniewski’s book â€Å"Sundiata: Lion King of Mali † at the end of his victory, Sundiata genuinely states, â€Å" ’Now I return as your king. Henceforth, none shall interfere with another’s destiny. You, your children, and your children’s children shall find their appointed place within this land forever.’ This came to pass, and Sundiata, the Lion King, ruled the Bright Country for many golden years,† (Paterno 7). The author actually identifi es Sundiata as the â€Å"Lion King†, establishing his exclusive title. Since this writing was produced before Disney’s creation of The Lion King, Wisniewski in actuality solidifies a possible source Walt Disney may have

Hr and Organizational Change - 1082 Words

By: Muhammad Faisal Change is a messy, iterative process. Just when you think you ve arrived you find you ve hardly begun (Tony Turrill: Change Innovation - A Challenge for the NHS) Ever since those two planes hit the twin towers of World Trade Center we talk about 9/11 as if this was the only year that September 11 took place. As a matter of fact the world has seen the eleventh day of the ninth month throughout the Gregorian calendar for over 2000 years. Come 2001 and people started blaming this day for their personal and professional failures. One person got fired by his employer in the month of June but people said it was his 9/11. Even some organizations found a worthy scapegoat in the form of 9/11. It is also often†¦show more content†¦People must live up to the values of the organization. If they don t they must be replaced by those who do. 2. Processes Higher Productivity, customer satisfaction innovation among other things are forcing us to refine and redefine our processes. We need to have a mechanism in place to identify which of our processes need to be improved; some processes may even have to be removed altogether from the system. These are non value adding processes. Someone rightly said its not just important to have new ideas, its also important to continually scrap the old ones. 3. Systems/Environment Changing environment is forcing us to change our own systems/environment. E-business, e-recruiting, fibre optics, information security, lethal viruses are all signs of the times and we have to change the way we do things in order to survive/succeed. How to change It all depends on what you want. However, following basic steps should help developing a road map for a successful change management program: 1. Define what you want 2. Plan and prepare all those involved 3. Implement 4. Monitor/Review Critical Success factors Whether you are entering a new business or cutting down your workforce, it has to be remembered that any change management program falls flat on its face, if the following factors are missing: 1. Effective communication 2. People Buy-in 3. Leadership by example 1. Effective Communication Poor communication ofShow MoreRelatedWhat Are Transactional Hr Responsibilities?857 Words   |  4 PagesWhat are Transactional HR responsibilities and how do they differ from Strategic HR responsibilities? Transactional HR responsibilities are generally considered more task-oriented processes such as â€Å"Administrative, order-taking, updating an individual employees’ HR Records, filling a vacant position or locating a training program for an individual† (Jones, 2009). These responsibilities usually have to do with an organization’s compliance to federal and state regulations. 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“WeRe All Told At Some Point In Time That We Can No Longer

â€Å"We re all told at some point in time that we can no longer play the children s game, we just don t... don t know when that s gonna be. Some of us are told at eighteen, some of us are told at forty, but we re all told.† (Moneyball 2011) This quote is referring to the game of baseball. A game that I started playing at the age of eight years old and continue to play today. Over the last eleven years I have developed greatly as a ball player and a person learning things about myself I would have never known about without the game. However it has come the time to start deciding how much longer baseball can be the focal point of my life. Baseball has brought great happiness to my me, but at some point a person has to move on and†¦show more content†¦One argument Socrates used to back this claim was called the relativity of pleasure argument. This argument stated that most pleasures in life are not true pleasures but instead are a result of an absence of pain giving t he user a false feeling of happiness due to the lack of pain they may be feeling. For example drug use is often used as a self medication of sort which results in â€Å"pleasure† but in reality all it does is distract the user from the pain that they may be feeling and after the high has passed they would go back to feeling that sadness and may feel even worse after coming down. Socrates also believed that one who had mental and spiritual harmony or otherwise known as a just soul would be able to persevere through anything that life happened to throw at them. Having a just soul would grant man the ability to stay composed and maintain inner peace through extremely difficult times. Another important idea of Socrates was his Questioning Habit this is also referred to as Socratic interrogation. 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It’s been a long day of looping through the ins and outs of â€Å"hidden† parts of Paris (my mom hates tourist attractions) and we sit quietly in the van, admiring the stunning European scenery that flicks pastRead MoreThe Effects Of Racism In America1501 Words   |  7 Pages(cricket), in Australian soil, all having a good time getting no passing looks by the pedestrians going past. Even though Arthur was very tall and darker skinned, racism was a thing of the past. But that moment was no more. It couldnt have been since the problems the world was struggling with. Overpopulation. It was the hardest threat to deal with. Killing would cause an uprising. restricting the amount of children had, made no immediate impact. It was coming to a point where there wouldnt be enoughRead MoreSt Elizabeth Behavioral Health Center Essay1255 Words   |  6 Pagesalways comes with some bad. There’s a few things that I found disturbing when I was receiving my treatment. 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Critical Thinking And Problem Solving For IT - Myassignmenthelp.Com

Questions: 1.A pseudo-code that reads eleven numbers from the user and prints the average of these eleven numbers. Also counts the occurrence of number 6 in the program. 2.A Pseudo Code that reads a positive integer fromuserand finds the average of all even numbers between 1 and users input. 3.Apseudo codethat reads the data fromuseruntil dummy value 999 encountered and print some results based on this data. Answers: Answer 1: A pseudo-code that reads eleven numbers from the user and prints the average of these eleven numbers. Also counts the occurrence of number 6 in the program. //MAIN MODULE CREATE AVERAGE_OF_NUMBERS //an object created to give a call to other modules CREATE object for AVERAGE_OF_NUMBERS COMPUTE_INITIALIZE_VARIABLES COMPUTE_CALCULATE_AVERAGE COMPUTE_DISPLAY_AVERAGE END //INITIALIZATION MODULE CREATE INITIALIZE_VARIABLES //create array DECLARE and INITIALIZE MEMORY TO ARRAY ELEVEN_NUMBERS[ ] INITIALIZE an integer CLOCK to value 0 INITIALIZE an integer SUM to value 0 DECLARE a decimal variable AVERAGE INITIALIZE an integer i to value 1 END //CALCULATION MODULE CREATE CALCULATE_AVERAGE REPEAT READ ELEVEN_NUMBERS[i] //populate array IF ELEVEN_NUMBERS[i] equals 6 //check for the occurrence of number 6 INCREMENT CLOCK by 1 //counter incremented in case number 6 found END IF UNTIL i equals 11 //Auto increments value of i and checks the condition SET i = 1 REPEAT Set SUM = SUM + ELEVEN_NUMBERS[i] UNTIL i = 11 SET AVERAGE = SUM / 11 END //OUTPUT MODULE CREATE DISPLAY_AVERAGE PRINT AVERAGE //display average of eleven numbers PRINT CLOCK //display multiple occurrence of number 6 END Answer 2: A Pseudo Code that reads a positive integer from user and finds the average of all even numbers between 1 and users input. //MAIN MODULE CREATE AVERAGE_OF_EVEN_NUMBERS CREATE object for AVERAGE_OF_EVEN_NUMBERS COMPUTE_INITIALIZE_VARIABLES COMPUTE_READ_MAX_LIMIT COMPUTE_CALCULATE_EVEN_AVERAGE COMPUTE_DISPLAY_EVEN_AVERAGE END //INITIALIZATION MODULE CREATE INITIALIZE_VARIABLES DECLARE a decimal variable AVERAGE INITIALIZE an integer P to value 0 INITIALIZE an integer CLOCK to value 0 INITIALIZE an integer I to value 1 INITIALIZE an integer SUM to value 0 END //INPUT MODULE CREATE READ_MAX_LIMIT PRINT INPUT A POSITIVE INTEGER WHILE P READ P IF P=0 //Validation Check PRINT INVALID INPUT: PLEASE RE-TRY //Error message printed if validation fails END IF END WHILE END // CALCULATION MODULE CREATE CALCULATE_EVEN_AVERAGE REPEAT IF I MOD 2 EQUAL 0 SET SUM = SUM + I SET CLOCK = CLOCK + 1 END IF UNTIL I=P //Auto increments value of i and checks the condition SET AVERAGE = SUM/CLOCK END //OUTPUT MODULE CREATE DISPLAY_EVEN_AVERAGE PRINT AVERAGE END Answer 3: A pseudo code that reads the data from user until dummy value 999 encountered and print some results based on this data. //MAIN MODULE CREATE CHILDREN_RECORD CREATE object for CHILDREN_RECORD COMPUTE_ INITIALIZE_VARIABLES COMPUTE_INPUT_CHILDREN_DATA COMPUTE_FAMILY_WITH_ZERO_CHILDREN COMPUTE_ FAMILY_WITH_MORE_THAN_FOUR_CHILDREN COMPUTE_ FAMILY_WITH_LARGEST_CHILDREN COMPUTE_DISPLAY_ALL_RECORDS END //INITIALIZATION MODULE CREATE INITIALIZE_VARIABLES DECLARE and INITIALIZE MEMORY TO ARRAY CHILDREN_DATA [ ] INITIALIZE an integer I to value 1 INITIALIZE an integer J to value 1 INITIALIZE an integer CLOCK to value 0 INITIALIZE an integer ZERO_CHILDREN to value 0 INITIALIZE an integer MORE_THAN_FOUR_CHILDREN to value 0 INITIALIZE CHILDREN_DATA [I] to value 0 END //INPUT MODULE CREATE INPUT_CHILDREN_DATA WHILE CHILDREN_DATA [I] is not equal to 0 //Ensures validation READ CHILDREN_DATA [I] SET CLOCK = CLOCK + 1 //Validation Check IF (CHILDREN_DATA [I]0) OR (CHILDREN_DATA [I] is not INTEGER) PRINT INCORRECT INPUT: ENTER POSITIVE INTEGER //Error message printed if validation fails END IF SET I = I + 1 END WHILE END //CALCULATION MODULES CREATE FAMILY_WITH_ZERO_CHILDREN CALL INPUT_CHILDREN_DATA REPEAT IF (CHILDREN_DATA [I] is equal to 0) SET ZERO_CHILDREN = ZERO_CHILDREN = 1 END IF UNTIL I is equal to P //Auto increments value of Iand checks the condition END CREATE FAMILY_WITH_MORE_THAN_FOUR_CHILDREN CALL INPUT_CHILDREN_DATA REPEAT IF (CHILDREN_DATA [I] 4) MORE_THAN_FOUR_CHILDREN = MORE_THAN_FOUR_CHILDREN + 1 END IF UNTIL I is equal to P //Auto increments value of I and checks the condition END CREATE FAMILY_WITH_LARGEST_CHILDREN CALL INPUT_CHILDREN_DATA INITIALIZE an integer MAX to value CHILDREN_DATA [1] REPEAT IF (CHILDREN_DATA [I] MAX) Set MAX = CHILDREN_DATA [I] END IF UNTIL I is equal to P //Auto increments value of I and checks the condition END //OUTPUT MODULE CALL FAMILY_WITH_ZERO_CHILDREN CALL FAMILY_WITH_MORE_THAN_FOUR_CHILDREN CALL FAMILY_WITH_LARGEST_CHILDREN CREATE DISPLAY_ALL_RECORD PRINT ZERO_CHILDREN PRINT MORE_THAN_FOUR_CHILDREN PRINT MAX END HIERARCHY CHART Defining Diagram Input Processing Output READ INPUT 1 PROCESS ALL VALUES READ Display number of families with zero children READ INPUT 2 If INPUT is invalid display error message and read INPUT again Display number of families with more than four children READ INPUT 3 EVALUATE numbers of families with ZERO children Display largest number of a children in a family . EVALUATE numbers of families with more than four children . EVALUATE largest number of children that exists in a family UNTIL INPUT=999 REFERENCES Paul, R. (2015). Critical Thinking: How to Prepare Students for a Rapidly Changing World. Foundation for Critical Thinking. Radford, B. (2013). Media Mythmakers: How Journalists, Activists, and Advertisers Mislead Us. Prometheus Books

To a large degree, culture determines behaviour Essay Example For Students

To a large degree, culture determines behaviour Essay But in some societies education is of no value as families need children to work and bring home money for food. So basically, our culture is determined upon that which we are surrounded by from birth, what we are submersed in. We are taught how to be: how to communicate, how to act, how to eat, drink, sleep, live. So would it be fair to say that the culture we are brought up in determines our behaviour? Let us look at the example of Clare, a neglected child. She was found at five years old, locked in a stinking room in appalling conditions, having obviously been left alone by uncompassionate parents. We will write a custom essay on To a large degree, culture determines behaviour specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now She still wore a nappy, and after being taken into care, continued to soil it up to seventeen times a day. She had little speech capability and did not understand that her actions (such as smearing faeces on people) were not socially acceptable. And yet within only a few months of going into foster care, she no longer needed nappies and was progressing well with speech and learning. A year later, and Clare was socialised enough to go to school and interact with other children. This article, published in 1998 by the Sunday Times Magazine, shows the effect to the child of a lack of socialisation and culture. Without being immersed in a language, we cannot speak; without being surrounded by people, we cannot interact with proper accord. To this end it can be suggested that our behaviour stems almost absolutely from culture, as without it we would be likened to Clare, almost animal-like. Basically we would be reverting to our cave-man roots, before humans got together to form societies and instead bashed each other over the head with clubs. That is not to say that the scientists are all wrong, and that our behaviour has nothing to do with our genes. It is widely accepted that genes account for certain behaviour among people. As humans we are all born with instincts and robot functions, though many have been lost due to over-socialisation and evolution. An example is our drive to reproduce; most people now accept that a female will be more attracted to a stronger looking man when she is fertile and a more caring looking man when she is not. Another example would be the deviance gene which is said to define whether a person is more likely to be a criminal or not. It is my opinion that to a large but not total degree, culture does determine behaviour. Culture shapes us into the individuals we become until we are old enough to evaluate our own thoughts and come to our own conclusions. Sometimes we form our own sub-cultures, away from the norm, and in doing so rebel against our culture. But this would never have happened if we had grown up without a culture in the first place, like Clare. Cultural diversity is a major issue in the world today, what with the topics of racism and terrorism always in the newspapers, and until we understand every culture and sub-culture, we will never begin to understand the behaviour of their members.