Monday, January 27, 2020

Why do people play computer games

Why do people play computer games Video and computer games, like many popular, entertaining and addicting kid activities are looked down upon by many parents as time-wasters, and worse, parents think that these games rot the brain. Also, the media and some experts readily blame violent video games as the reason why some youth become violent or commit extreme anti-social behavior. But many scientists and psychologists find that video games actually have many benefits. Video games may actually teach kids high-level thinking skill that they will need in the future. Video games give your childs brain real workout. In many video games, the skills required to win involve abstract and high level thinking. These skills are not even taught at the school. Some of the mental skills trained by video games include hand-eye coordination, fine motor and spatial skill. In shooting games, the character may be running and shooting at the same time. This requires the real-world player to keep track of the position of the character, where he/she is heading, their speed, where the gun is aiming, if the gunfire is hitting the enemy, and so on. All these factors need to be taken into account, and then the player must then coordinate the brains interpretation and reaction with the movement in their hands and fingertips. This process requires a great deal of eye-hand coordination and visual-spatial ability to be successful. Researches also suggest that people can learn iconic, spatial, and visual attention skills from video games. There have been even studies with a dults showing that experience with video games is related to better surgical skills. Also, a reason given by the experts as to why fighter pilots of today are more skillful is that the generations pilots are being weaned on video games. Sometimes the player does this almost every second of the game giving the brain real workout. According to researchers at the University of Rochester, led by Daphne Bavelier, a cognitive scientist, games simulating stressful events such as those found in battle or action games could be a training tool for real-world situations. The study suggests that playing action video games primes the brain to make quick decisions. Video games can be used to train soldiers and surgeons, according to the study. It can test your hypothesis and Inductive reasoning based to James Paul Gee, Professor of education at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, he said that playing video games is similar to working through a science problem. Like students in a laboratory, gamers must come up with the hypothesis. For example, players in some games constantly try out combinations of weapons and powers to use to defeat an enemy. If one does not work, they change hypothesis and try the next one. Video games are goal-driven experiences, says Gee, which are fundamental to learning. Simulation, real world skills. The most well known simulations are flight simulators, which attempt to mimic the reality of flying a plane. All the controls, including airspeed, wing angles, altimeter, and so on, are displayed for the player, as well as a visual representation of the world, and are updated in real time. Video games introduce your kid to computer technology and the online world. You should recognize that we are now living in a high-tech, sophisticated world. Video games make your kid adapt and be comfortable with the concepts of computing. This is particularly important for girls who typically are not interested in high technology as much as boys. Video games allow you and your kid to play together and can be a good bonding activity. Some games are attractive to kids as well as adults, and they could be something that they share in common. When your child knows more than you, he can teach you how to play and this allows you to understand your childs skills and talents. Finally, and this is controversial, violent video games may act as a release of pent-up aggression and frustration of your kid. When your kid vents his frustration and anger in his game, this diffuses his stress. Games can provide a positive aggression outlet the same way as football and other violent sports. Video games also can teach important skills or address serious issues, Organizations such as Games for Change promote the use of games for education and social action, and often involve kids in the creation of games they can use to express themselves on important issues and current events. Some medical professionals, such as Doctor Kourosh Dini, also feel that age appropriate multi-player video games can allow children to learn how other people think. A key aspect of empathy. Games can also help a child become more comfortable with new and ever progressing technology. Recent studies have shown that video games can have a positive or negative effect on how players behave. Depending on the content. Pro social games can increase empathy, co-operation, helping and emotional awareness, while violent games can diminish these traits. Video games are not all violent, but most of them are, and many of them are pretty gruesome. It has been estimated that up to 89% of games contain some violent content. People are concerned that violent games might be causing young people to become violent and there is some evidence to support this. Studies have shown that violent games can increase physiological arousal, increase aggressiveness thoughts and emotions, increase aggressive behavior, and reduce helping behavior (where people become less likely to help other). These effects seem to be stronger in young people who already tend to be aggressive. It has been argued that more hostile or aggressive young people will be attracted to violent games, and that it is not the games causing the problem. However, even taking into account the persons hostility, it is clear that exposure to violent games causes increased aggressive behavior (as indicated by things like the degree to which they get into physical fights or argue with teachers). Desensitization to violence has been suggested as part of the problem. Desensitization is when someone gradually begins to feel that violence is normal. When games reward players for doing violent actions, it is easy to see how this could happen. For most teens, playing video games is just another recreational activity they enjoy with friends. The concern is when video game playing becomes an addictive or isolating activity. According to a Harris Interactive poll released in January of 2007, 23% of gamers surveyed reported that they felt addicted to video games. Some teens are heavy users of only role-playing games (RPGs) such as World of Warcraft and multiplayer games such as Call of Duty in which they interact with other players in real time. Students will often neglect schoolwork and other aspects of their daily lives when they become immersed in these games. While it remains unclear whether this can be termed an addiction, the American Medical Association has identified video game overuse as a behavior, and may include it in a future edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Children who are heavy users of video games may also be getting less exercise and develop poor eating habits. Make sure that your teen is getting outside and not snacking too much on unhealthy foods while gaming. If you are concerned about the amount of your time your teen is spending on video games, keep in mind that it is normal for young people to throw themselves enthusiastically into hobbies. Consider the effect your teens gaming is having on his or her life. People can become addicted to games. Young gamers have shown similar symptoms to people who have drug or alcohol dependence. An ability to stop playing, and withdrawal symptoms (anxiety, agitation) if they go without access to their gaming fix. Gamers also report that they play games to escape things like family or personal problems. In a similar way to people who use drugs or alcohol to escape their problems. There have been reports of adults that play so much they neglect their families. There are even support groups for family members of people with an addiction to one game in particular. Computer gaming is much maligned at times for the level of violence in some games and for the amount of time that is claims that could be put to more productive uses. Some advantages of gaming are that it has educational applications, increase visual processing of information and teaches problem solving skills. Violence in games has an unquestionable negative effect on players, making them more likely to be violent themselves, according to Craig Anderson of the American Psychological Association. He points out that experiments in the lab and in the field, and longitudinal and cross-sectional studies have all shown this to be true. The interactive nature of the games makes them more influential in teaching violence that more passive media like television or books. Time spent in front of the computer has increased fir kids 8 to 18, and media use now stands at an average of 7.5 hours per day, taking into account computers, televisions and other media, as reported in a study by the Kaiser Foundation. Much of the time is spent multitasking or combining TV and video games, for example. Half surveyed said they had a computer game console of their own on their room. In addition time spent reading has decreased. Games have educational uses, for example, teaching economic skills like negotiating and purchasing strategies, and are used in college level economics courses to do so. For example, many games allow players to accumulate points or money and then purchase things that will advance their interest in the game. These features simulate markets, and in fact can become commodities outside the game. Gaming teaches problem solving skills. Players are given a set of rules to follow and must figure out the best strategy for achieving the goals set in the gaming context. If the game has multiple players or teams, the problem solving is done in a social context, which teaches people to communicate and cooperate. Computer game addiction generally refers to an excessive, unhealthy amount of playing computer games. Rather than engaging in the real world, an addicted user devotes the majority of his or her time to gaming. The addicted gamer often isolate him/herself from others, ignores more important responsibilities, and is often obsessed with obtaining higher status/rankings/achievements in his/her favorite computer game. According to the DSM-IV (the current manual for classifying emotional, psychological, and mental disorders), No. Although there have been calls from some mental health professionals and parents to recognize computer game addiction as a real disorder, it has not been granted official diagnostic status. As more research on the effects of excessive gaming is conducted, many believe that it is only a matter of time before computer game addiction is classified as a compulsive behavior similar to gambling addiction. Because there is no official diagnosis of computer game addiction, there is obviously no universally agreed upon list of symptoms. Psychologists and other mental health professionals initially adapted the diagnostic criteria for gambling addiction and used this as a rough assessment tool for computer game addiction. This classification approach is rarely used today and for better or for worse, it is essentially up to the individual researcher or clinician to define the symptoms of computer addiction. Depending on the research methodology and the definition of computer addiction used, estimates range from 2 to 10% of all children who play video games. More accurate and consistent estimates should be possible if formal diagnostic criteria for computer game addiction are introduced. Because computer game addiction is a new development in the world of mental health, treatments are not as well established as those for depression, anxiety, anger, and etc. most interventions take a cognitive-behavioral approach, which involve changing how the addict thinks about the addiction (for example, recognizing cognitive distortions designed to convince the gamer that it is not a problem), and simultaneously changing his/her behaviors (for example, setting strict limits for play, taking care of other responsibilities before gaming, using game blocking software of devices, and etc.) treatment can take a variety of forms including: Individual therapy Individual therapy with a psychologist who specializes in treating computer game addiction or who has experience with addictions in general. Treatment is tailored to the individual player and is based on established psychological principals and interventions. Family therapy Especially if the addicted player is a child or younger teen. Computer game addiction almost always affects other family members, and the chance for recovery is increased if these members are involved in treatment and are working together toward mutually agreed upon goals. Wilderness therapy Wilderness therapy in which the addicted gamer enters an outdoor treatment program focused on survival skills, team building, goal setting, and developing self-confidence. The programs typically last at least thirty days and the participants have absolutely no access to video games and limited access to other technologies. Although somewhat similar to the symptoms of computer game addiction, the negative consequences of excessive gaming are often divided into five main categories: Social Consequences As a computer game addict spends more time gaming, he/she tends to spend less time interacting with others in person. As such, he/she may lack face-to-face human contact, experience isolation and loneliness, and the loss of friends or relationships. Academic/Career Consequences Children and teens that are addicted to computer games very often experience falling grades and decreased academic performance and dedication. Completing homework, studying for tests, and efforts during school become very low priorities. Adults who are addicted to computer games may experience a similar deterioration in work performance, job dedication, and career aspirations. Financial Consequences Adults and teens may spend large amounts of money on new games, expansion pack, micro-transaction, service fees, and computer upgrades. In extreme cases, jobs may be lost due to poor work performance, playing while at work, and frequent absences. Family Consequences Computer game addiction often leads to deterioration in family relationships. Tension and conflict between family members escalates as requests to cut back or stop are ignored. The addicted player may initially deny that a problem exists, try to hide how much he/she plays, and accuse the other of trying to control his/her life. Parents of addicted children may disagree on how to address the problem. Which may lead to frequent arguments and conflicts. Health Consequences Computer game addicts may neglect personal hygiene, have poor sleep habits, give up healthy physical activities, and may make meal decisions based on quick and easy preparation so that gaming is not interrupted rather than dietary needs. Emotional/Psychological Consequences Those addicted to computer games may experience depressed mood, low self-esteem, social anxiety, low frustration tolerance, anger, and feelings of guilt and shame for not being able to control their gaming habits. Of note, it seems likely that difficulties in other areas can cause and be caused by computer game addiction. Is computer game addiction different from video game addiction, online addiction, and Internet Addiction? Yes, because computer game addiction refers to excessively playing games on a PC. Most often these games are of the MMO (Massive Multiplayer Online) or the FPS (First Person Shooter) genre. Competing online with and against other players is a significant factor in what makes these particular genres more addictive than others. Video game addiction refers to excessive play on computer, home consoles, or handheld system. The terms Internet addiction and online addiction are occasionally used to describe computer game addiction, but more appropriately describe excessive web surfing, email checking, instant messaging, Facebook use, or downloading movies, images, or music Do you think it is okay to play computer games? Yes, most people can and do play computer games but in moderation. They play games for casual entertainment, as a way to relax, and to socialize with friends. However, there are those who are far more likely to become addicted to computer games. For these people, certain games (very often Massively Multiplayer Online (MMO)) appear to present a high risk for addiction and may need to be avoided or banned in order to prevent unhealthy gaming habits.

Sunday, January 19, 2020

Aid vs Trade Essay

The aid verses trade debate shows the strong difference and sizable reduction in severe poverty in emerging economies such as China, Thailand and South Korea that have embraced international trade, with the persistent poverty in many aid-dependent African countries. The debate of whether foreign aid is beneficial or harmful to a country in need can be seen as foreign aid directed to Africa has significantly grown yet this has not benefited the continent as it is still considered ‘developing’ and is in a state of widespread poverty (Alesina, Dollar, 2000). Asia, which was once also considered a third world country has developed a strong economy and infrastructure with not aid that, was introduced in Africa. Rather than seeing the two arguments as aid or trade, it should be seen as aid for trade. (Rotberg, 2009) TRADE HAS A SIGNIFICANT LONG-TERM AFFECT ON THE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ECONOMY; IT IS THE KEY TO DEVELOPMENT. IT ALLOWS THE COUNTRY TO DEVELOP STRONG TRADING RELATIONSHIPS WITH OTHER COUNTRIES, THUS ALLOWING A REGULAR FLOW OF FUNDS INTO THE DEVELOPING COUNTRY. TRADE IS NECESSARY AS IT ALLOWS THE COUNTRY TO USE ITS OWN NATURAL RESOURCES, WHICH NOT ONLY BENEFITS THEMSELVES BUT ALSO THE WORLD OF TRADE. AFRICA HAS BEEN GIVEN IN THE PAST 60 YEARS AT LEAST $1 TRILLION OF DEVELOPMENT-RELATED AID; EVEN WITH THIS HUGE INFLUX OF ECONOMY THE INCOME TODAY IS LOWER THAN IT WAS IN THE 1970S, AND MORE THAN 50% OF THE POPULATION LIVE ON LESS THAN ONE DOLLAR A DAY AND STILL REMAINS IN A MAJOR STATE OF POVERTY (MOYO, 2009) Aid is beneficial for developing countries going through a period of unsteadiness and have gone through a major crisis e.g. natural disaster, this is when aid is most needed, as a country is left with nothing and needs initial funding to allow the country to start rebuilding and trading with outside countries. Aid accelerates the economy of underdeveloped countries but it is also given in the form of bilateral aid, multilateral aid, humanitarian emergency relief, NGO partnership support and Technical support and community involvement. Aid often has a positive effect in third world countries with good policies and has little or no effect when countries have  poor policies. (Burnside and Dollar (2000) Trade is a necessary tool in order to significantly develop and improve a third world countries economy and to reduce poverty. Trade is seen as difficult in these countries as there is sometimes a lack of information, institutions and infrastructure, which makes it difficult to efficiently trade globally. Advancing education, science and technology are important in order to help improve Africa’s development. In order to improve the many economical and poverty issues they’re confronted with, promoting this industrial development will help ensure long-term economic growth which will allow the continent to not be so aid dependant (Astier, 2006). Aid for trade increases the trade performance of developing countries; a small increase of 1 percent directed for trade, which is about $11.7 million, could generate amounts of up to $818 million (Helble, Mann, Wilson 2009) There are various economic, social, and political factors that can cause countries to remain in a prolonged widespread poverty, almost half the world live on less than $2.50 a day (Shah, 2013). Some economical factors include the lack of improvement in agriculture, the faulty industrialisation, and unequal economic distribution. Social factors that cause countries to remain in this state are the strong religious aspects of a country. Politics is full of corruption and how many political leaders in such countries rather than have the countries best interest at heart would prefer to enhance their own wealth. A prominent cause of poverty is the economic position of a country. A lot of countries lack advancements in agriculture, the absence of modern machinery, tools, facilities etc. result in the lack of development the current systems that are in place are often not sufficient and cannot provide for the local community. This can be seen in ineffective industrialisation, there is not enough finance in these countries to provide skilled and technically trained workers, thus is it difficult to provide employment. Another economical factor is the unequal distribution of wealth. Wealth is often distributed to a limited group of people, the wealth in such poor countries is often skewed e.g one is either extremely wealthy or extremely poor, thus leaving the  majority of the country in a state of poverty and unemployment. The social factors that contribute to countries with a high poverty level are mainly religious. In these countries material goods are not high in value. It is also evident that education in poverty-ridden countries is also not very highly valued; generally the emphasis is for young children to get a job to help the families’ income rather than get a better education and get a better job. Often there are socio religious aspects that also restrict advancements, such as marital agreements, putting these countries in a continual downward spiral into a worse state of poverty (Crabtree, 2010). The political factors that lead a country to remain in poverty can come down to the leaders that are meant to ‘provide’ for the country are hugely responsible for the destruction and poverty of the country. Administration can be full of corruption and ineffectiveness, and rather than enrich the countries overall wealth they will enrich there own wealth at the cost of the countries development. As a result of this political inefficiency and dishonesty there has been no real advancements in countries where poverty is high, they are still in a strong downward spiral of poverty.corruption has to stop before the continent can ever develop (Morrissey, 1991). The positive impact of aid and trade can be slow in some countries because of four factors physical capital, human capital, natural resources and the countries technological knowledge. The things that can be done to help these countries that are poverty stricken start with improving its level of productivity and growth as a country’s standard of living depends on its ability to produce goods and services (Shah, 2013). Nearly 21 percent of people in third world countries lived at or below $1.25 a day. With that measure based on latest data available, 1.4 billion people live on or below that line, meaning in 2010, 1.22 billion people lived on less than $1.25 a day. Almost half the world-over three billion people-live on less than $2.50 a day and at least 80% of humanity lives on less than $10 a day. (Okonjo-Iweala, 2007) The physical capital of a country can be seen as its evolution, their  production factory, their production process, and infrastructural development. In order for a country to improve, so must the stock of equipment and structures that are used to produced these goods and services (Sachs and Warner, 1999). Human capital is an essential part of the improvement of a country as human capital relates to the skills and knowledge that workers gain through various types of training, education and experiences, if the countries human capital in improved the nations ability to produce quality goods and services will increase accordingly. The development of infrastructure is needed in order to facilitate better medical, education, and working system. (Khumbah, Foote, 2014) A countries natural resources, their land, water, mining, both renewable and non – renewable resources are very important for a countries economy, and can be highly productive in producing goods and services of a high quality, and rather than be abused by other countries it can allow the suffering countries to prosper (Kaufman, 2002). Technological knowledge is educating a countries most effective ways to produce goods and services. In order for a country to improve overall they need to understand new technology, there must be training and knowledge in order to decrease poverty. One billion children live in poverty, six hundred and forty million don’t have sufficient shelter, four hundred million don’t have access to safe water, two hundred and seventy million have no access to health services and nearly eleven million died in 2003 before they reached the age of five (Shah, 2013). Poverty is a massive killer, although this as well as diseases and illnesses can easily be prevented, countries that do and do not suffer from poverty often don’t advertise the desperate need for change. (Rotberg, 2009) Aid is not the cure for the developing world’s problems but it has been helpful in minimizing suffering and increasing development. Aid has helped improve the health, education and trade systems in developing countries. Economic growth and global trade are crucial to reduce poverty in the long term, but in order to continually reduce global poverty both trade and aid are fundamental. References Astier, H. (2006, 1st February). Can aid do more harm than good? Bbc Khumbah, K., & Foote, M. (JULY 31, 2014). AFRICA NEEDS SCIENCE, NOT AID. Retrieved, 22nd august, 2014, Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/01/opinion/africa-needs-science-not-aid.html?_r=0 Aid versus trade. Okonjo-Iweala, N. (Director). (2007, July).[Video/DVD] TEDGlobal. Robert I. Rotberg. (2009). CHINA INTO AFRICA: TRADE, AID, AND INFLUENCE . Brookings Institution Press: Shah, A. (2013, 24th March). Causes of poverty. Global Issues Wilkinson, M., & McGregor, L. (2013). Preying on paradise Burnside, C. and D. Dollar (1997), `Aid, Policies and Growth’, Policy Research WorkingPaper no. 1777, World Bank, forthcoming in the American Economic Review What is Human Development?, Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Program Sachs, Jeffrey and Andrew Warner (1999), â€Å"The Big Push, Natural Resource Booms and Growth†, Journal of Development Economics, 59, 43-76. Human Development Report (HDR), United Nations Development Program, November 27, 2007, Kaufmann D, Kraay A 2002 ‘Growth Without Governance’ Economia Fall 2002, Vol. 3, No. 1 Alberto Alesina and David Dollar (2000), â€Å"Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?† Journal of Economic Growth (March), pp. 33-63 Morrissey O. _An Evaluation of the Economic Effects of Aid and Trade Provision. Journal of Economic Studies 1991;28:104-29._ Steve Crabtree (2010) Religiosity Highest in World’s Poorest Nations http://www.gallup.com/poll/142727/religiosity-highest-world-poorest-nations.aspx

Saturday, January 11, 2020

How useful are typologies of welfare states?

Given the complexity and depth of questions faced by undergraduate students of Social Policy, let alone academic researchers, the classification of different welfare states into typologies is only natural. As an aid to academic study, the formulation of typologies represents a logical progression in the field of welfare state research. When Titmuss gave his lecture on ‘Social Administration in a changing society' in 1951, he noted that at the start of the study of Social Policy (or administration) in 1913, most issues discussed were entirely contemporary, designed to prepare those who wanted to work in the charitable of voluntary field. After World War Two, Titmuss and other academics such as Marshall, started laying greater theoretical foundations – examining the welfare state that was growing around them and its motivations. The intensive study of ‘typologies' of welfare states, widely recognised as being prompted by Esping-Anderson's ‘The three worlds of Welfare capitalism' (1990), is a natural progression – an attempt, in search of a fundamental theory or law, to bring together earlier theoretical work on the welfare state and its foundations. The use of typologies is useful because it provides a tool that can be used to simplify complex comparative work, thus making it easier to work on a universal theory of welfare state formation and development. Similarly, typologies can also provide ‘an approximate picture of the range of options available to policy-makers for policy reform' (Bonoli, 1995, 352). However, despite these apparent attributes, the concept of using typologies as a methodological tool has not been entirely uncontested. Those such as Baldwin have disputed that typologies have any explanatory power whatsoever, claiming that they most certainly cannot be useful in the formulation of theories about current and future development of welfare states (Arts & Gelissen, 2002). Most criticism along these lines deals with the apparent impossibility that, given the massively varied complexity of welfare states across the world, no typological theory is capable of summarising these differences except in a deeply misleading way. Esping-Anderson (1990, 2) fully accepts that a ‘trade-off' must be made, which this means that it will be impossible to make ‘detailed treatments' of differences between regimes, but asserts that this is the ‘price to be paid for making grand comparisons'. This seems commonsensical to me. We simplify the levels of detail about economic activity by creating an assumption of ‘homo-economicus' and even though we know this model not to be completely accurate, no-one would deny that the results the model produces are not instructive. Similarly, in creating a model of welfare-state typologies, we look to gain insights into the nature of welfare states, which we can then use in further theoretical work. The ideal types used in typologies are, as Klant (1984, cited in Arts and Gelissen, 2002) notes, a ‘representation of a reality, which cannot (yet) be described using laws'. As long as we recognise that the typologies themselves are not ever claimed to be, even by their proponents, complete explanatory theories, then they can usefully be used to gain insights into the past, present and future of welfare states. Therefore, I will move to look quickly at the different varieties of typological survey that have been conducted, before then spending some time comparing the different sorts of ‘welfare state regimes' that emerge. Different typological classifications of welfare states vary in both the amount, and kind, of variables used for analysis. The most basic attempt to categorise welfare states has been to compare the levels of public expenditure between countries. For example, it is posited that the Scandinavian countries, all spending in excess of 30% of GDP on social expenditure in the period 1989-92, constitute a type of welfare state regime significantly different to the kinds experienced in the United Kingdom or in Italy, countries which both experience much lower levels of social spending. However, such crude classification seems to go against any conception of varied mixed economies of welfare – while two countries may appear identical in terms of their % GDP social spend, they may be completely different on the level of overall welfare provided by the other welfare ‘pillars' – the voluntary and family sector. Similarly, other, more recent models have also tried to classify welfare states using a one-dimensional approach. Ferrera (1993) uses the ‘coverage model', which, rather than looking at the quantity of welfare provided, instead looks at the method of provision – specifically whether welfare states provide services on a universal basis, or on an occupational basis. However, as Bonoli (1995) points out, the problem arises in distinguishing between the generosity of benefits offered by welfare states of the same ‘method' typology – for example, the Netherlands and Switzerland are both included in the Ferrera's same set of welfare states regimes, despite massive differences between the extent of welfare provision between those two states. Esping-Anderson's (1990) approach was two-dimensional in the sense that it considered two factors – the degree of decommodification and social stratification. These variables are explicitly outcome, rather than means, based – decommodification, for example, is defined as ‘the degree to which individuals or families can uphold a socially acceptable standard of living independently of market provision'. Thus, independence is deemed identical, whether achieved through state or voluntary provision. This practical approach implies a value-judgement that it does not matter if states actually provide the welfare or not, that it is just outcomes that matter, which may be controversial to some socialists. However, this must be considered justified as a modelling assumption. Despite praise for the two-dimensional nature of Esping-Anderson's approach, some questions have been raised about whether the correct two variables were chosen. Bonoli (1995), raises concern that what he perceives as being the two fundamental distinctions between different kinds of welfare states – ‘how' and ‘how much' – are merged in both of Esping-Anderson's variables, and that as a result, they are both ‘taken into account only so far as they affect the decommodifying [or stratifying] impact of social policy'. He therefore suggests two different variables – level of social spending and the method (measured in terms of the % of benefits that are contribution-based) of welfare delivery. Similarly, most other criticisms of Esping-Anderson have not disputed the methodological use of typologies, but instead have sought to question the variables used to measure the relative congruence of different welfare states in order to form sets of welfare regimes. While requirements for brevity make it impossible for me to outline all here, a useful summary can be found in the tables of Arts & Gelissen's 2002 article. While the indicators/factors used in typology classification vary widely, the extent of similarity in the output of empirical testing is striking. All models find three or four different typologies, which, rather than being completely distinctive, are similar in terms of characteristics and the country assignments. To start, let us examine Esping-Andersen's typology, which distinguishes between three clusters of welfare regimes, each of which represents a different ‘world of welfare capitalism'. The three ‘ideal-typical' regime types are the liberal, the conservative (or corporatist), and the social-democratic regimes. The main characteristic of the liberal welfare regime is the important role assigned to the market and the strong emphasis placed upon individual responsibility. In general, only if the market fails will the state interfere. Benefits are means-tested and targeted for low-income dependents, who accordingly make the intensive use the welfare state. Financed by taxation, this leads to significant income redistribution. In contrast, the state is generally passive with regards to gender issues – the market determines the position of women, who are neither encouraged nor discouraged by the government to work for pay. In the conservative/corporatist welfare regime less stress is placed on the role of the market. The regime's main goal is to preserve existing status/class differentials, a task which is often left to other non-state actors such as the church, classes and the family. They play a crucial role in society, and the state supports them in this role. Social benefits are more elaborate than in liberal welfare regimes and are usually organized along occupational lines, with negligible amounts of redistribution. With regard to the position of women, the breadwinner model (husband as breadwinner, wife as caregiver) is implied and perpetuated through the design of the welfare system, which thereby systematically discourages women from participating in the labor market. Finally, the social-democratic welfare regime distinguishes itself from the other two models in that much more emphasis is laid on the interventionist role of the state. The idea of equal rights for all citizens is guaranteed by the social democratic state, which delivers extensive, universal welfare services not usually subject to means testing. The welfare regime is designed around active-labour policies – both men and women are expected to participate fully in the labor market, and therefore the government makes arrangements to overcome any gender-obstacles to doing this, for example, by providing extensive free childcare. Leibfried (1992) and Ferrera (1996) initially criticized Esping-Anderson's group of typologies for the omission of what they called a ‘Latin-Rim' model of the welfare state, characterized by strong family-centric properties and an immature and selective social security system that offered poor benefits and lacked a guaranteed minimum benefit system. Esping-Anderson (1999) accepted that more emphasis should be put on the family-effects of welfare regimes, and made a distinction between familalistic regimes on the one extreme (e. g. , Italy), and defamilialising regimes on the other extreme (e. g. , Sweden). A familialistic regime was defined to be where â€Å"public policy assumes that households must carry the principal responsibility for their members' welfare†, as opposed to a de-familialising regime â€Å"which seeks to unburden the household and diminish individuals' welfare dependence on kinship† (1999, 51). Given the late inclusion of a ‘Latin-Rim' model in Esping-Anderson's work, we have four examples of welfare-state regimes that we can compare with other models. Bonoli's (1997) classification, based on the expenditure and method factors as described earlier, produced four ideal-types – Continental, British, Nordic and Southern – to which he assigns countries through the empirical work. These clearly correspond respectively with Esping-Anderson's Conservative, Liberal, Social-Democratic and Latin-Rim typologies. The British regime is characterized by a low level of social expenditure which is mainly financed through general taxation rather than contributions – this fits in with Esping-Anderson's description of the Liberal regime as being limited in scope and mildly redistributive in nature. Similarly, Bonoli's Nordic regime, with low levels of contributions but high levels of overall spending, brings to mind Esping-Anderson's social democratic regime, characterised by universal benefits for all on the basis of citizenship and not contribution. There are minimal differences in state-placement between the two writers' typological systems. The Netherlands and Belgium are perhaps the only significant variation, placed in the ‘continental' typology by Bonoli but in the ‘Social Democratic' by Esping-Anderson. Such disagreements about the placement of the Benelux states are repeated in various other schemes of classification – such as in work by Korpi and Palme (1998, cited in Arts & Glissen, 2002) and by Visser and Hemerijck (1997, cited in Arts & Glissen, 2002). Such variability of outcome on ‘border cases' between typologies returns us to the original debate about the methodological justification and accuracy of such explanatory systems, and thus it seems to be a sensible place to conclude this essay. It would not be right, though Esping-Anderson (1999) has tried, to try and plead the ‘unique' nature of these ‘rogue' states – the initial simplification and assumptions made by any typological system are done so on in full knowledge that detailed individual characteristics, the ‘uniqueness' of each regime will be obscured. Rather than attempting to remove previously imposed assumptions, we must accept the limits of typological classification. Ideal-type classifications are exactly that – ideal, and there will undoubtedly be some states that are ‘hybrid'. The continued existence of such apparent ‘anomalies' gives purpose to further theoretical work – to examine the interactions and movements between the different ‘ideal types' of states, and to identify whether there is any trend that will make the occurrence of such a hybrid regimes more common and explainable in the future.

Friday, January 3, 2020

Disneys the Lion King Sundiata in Disguise - 1691 Words

Disney’s The Lion King: Sundiata in Disguise? Over the course of this semester many of the literary works that have been read contained some source of message designed to both teach and improve either the reader or society. Amongst this collection of enlightening literary works, there have been a particular few that have illustrated this idea as well as highlighted particular historical facts about a specific civilization. One distinct book that has met both of these general objectives is Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali. Throughout this story the author discusses the life of a young king, and illustrates unique facts about the ancient Mali society. In the process of reading this epic tale, it became clear that†¦show more content†¦A similar comparison is also shared between the antagonists Soumaoro Kantà © and Scar. Both corrupted characters desire the reign of supreme power, commit murderous deeds against the soaring emperors, and is defeated and overthrown by the pr ince warrior Sundiata or Simba. The most effective relation and similarity between the two artistic productions is the connection between Simba of The Lion King and Sundiata. Persecuted and doubted in achieving success, both rising sovereigns, deal with the woes of ridicule and doubt. Forced into a period of exile, Sundiata and Simba encounter a right of passage into manhood where they grow into the physically and mentally strong leaders needed to reclaim and enhance their native lands. In David Wisniewski’s book â€Å"Sundiata: Lion King of Mali † at the end of his victory, Sundiata genuinely states, â€Å" ’Now I return as your king. Henceforth, none shall interfere with another’s destiny. You, your children, and your children’s children shall find their appointed place within this land forever.’ This came to pass, and Sundiata, the Lion King, ruled the Bright Country for many golden years,† (Paterno 7). The author actually identifi es Sundiata as the â€Å"Lion King†, establishing his exclusive title. Since this writing was produced before Disney’s creation of The Lion King, Wisniewski in actuality solidifies a possible source Walt Disney may have